IISA ang hudyat ng mga bansang maunlad kay BBM: Kunin agad ang simpatiya ng pwersang demokratiko sa loob at labas na bansa. Mahalaga ang suporta ng maka-demokratikong pwersa. Ito ang tanging daan upang magtagumpay ang kanyang gobyerno.
Kailangan niyang dumistansiya kay Rodrigo Duterte sapagkat hindi nakuha ng tila nababaliw na maton ng Davao City ng international community. Kailangan ipakita ni BBM ang kanyang suporta sa karapatang pantao (human rights) at ilahad ng malinaw na hindi niya gagawin ang polisiya ni Duterte kontra droga. Hindi lang ito ang mahalaga.
May mga nagmumungkahi na kailangan gawin ni BBM ang apat na mahalagang gawain upang maipakita niya ang totoong pagkapit sa prinsipyo ng demokrasya: una, pagtakwil sa polisiya ng patayan o EJKs kaugnay sa ilegal na droga; pangalawa, palayain si Leila de Lima; pangatlo, ibalik si Ma. Lourdes Sereno bilang punong mahistrado; at pang-apat ang pagbalasa sa Comelec at Commission on Audit (CoA).
Walang basehan sa batas at tradisyon ang malawakang patayan kaugnay sa droga. Tanging si Rodrigo Duterte ang may gusto nito. Walang tumatangkilik sa polisiya na ito kundi ang mga nahuhuli at utak-pulbura na mga opisyal sa PNP at Gabinete. Dito nasira ang imahe ni Duterte. Walang makapaniwala na kaya ni Duterte na puksain ang kanyang nasasakupan.
Walang batayan ang pananatili ni de Lima sa bilibid. Walang umuusbong na totoong kaso laban sa kanya. Pawang umuurong ang mga saksi na pinilit umani ni Vitaliano Aguirre at Jose Calida na tumestigo laban kay de Lima. Wala rin batayan sa batas at Konstitusyon ang pagpapatalsik kay Sereno. Dapat lamang na bigyan ng katarungan ang ginawa sa kanya.
Marapat ayusin ang Comelec at CoA. Dapat maluklok ang mga karapat-dapat at may nalalaman sa batas. Marapat na tuluyang alisin ang mga pinili ni Duterte na ang basehan sa pagpili ay dahil galing sila sa Davao City.
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HALAW ang mga sumusunod sa aming aklat “KILL KILL KILL: EJKs in the Philippines; Crimes Against Humanity vs. Duterte Et. Al. at the ICC.” Nasa huling yugto na ako na pagsusulat.
YUGOSLAV WARS
BECAUSE of the Cold War between the United States and the former Soviet Union, the clamor for the creation of an international criminal tribunal took a backseat. The Cold War lasted for over 50 years, relegating the proposed world court to discussions mostly in the academic community and intellectual journals. But it did not mean the issue died. On the contrary, its advocates had kept the issue alive. The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia into separate states and the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s were antecedents to stimulate new discussions. The United Nations Security Council, for instance, saw the ultimate necessity to create an international criminal tribunal. This was after Slobodan Milosevic, a key political figure in the old Yugoslavia, was charged with various war offenses in connection with its breakup and the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars.
Milosevic was president of Serbia, a component state of the former Yugoslavia from 1989 until 1992. Milosevic became president too from 1997 until 2000 of Yugoslavia, the synthetic state of six nations – Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and the autonomous states of Vojvodina and Kosovo in Serbia. It was under his rule the Yugoslav wars broke out, leading to its disintegration. Milosevic was a player in Yugoslav politics; in fact, he dominated it. But it was Milosevic, who stirred Serbian nationalism, which led to the inevitable – “ethnic cleansing” or genocide of the Islamic population in Bonia and Kosovo to ensure political domination of the Serbian Christian nationalists.
INDICTMENT. In 1999, Milosevic faced indictment before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for allegedly committing 66 counts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide for his role in the decade-long strife that led to Yugoslavia’s break-up and more than 100,000 deaths, displacement of millions,and disintegration of the cultural bond that existed for hundreds of years.6 The ICTY was a new world court because it was created as an ad hoc judicial body by the United Nations Security Council to handle Milosevic’s trial. At first, Milosevic resisted, claiming he would not go to trial under ICTY because it was not officially sanctioned by the United Nations . But when he lost in the 2000 elections, his successor surrendered him to the ICTY in 2001. He became a prisoner in the ICTY temporary headquarters at The Hague in the Netherlands.
Slobodan Milosevic was the second head of state, who underwent trial by a world court for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The first was Admiral Karl Doenitz, who became Nazi Germany’s head of state after Adolf Hitler named him as his successor shortly before he committed suicide at the closing days of Second World War. Doenitz led Nazi Germany’s formal surrender to the Allied Forces composed mainly of the U.S., United Kingdom (Great Britain and Northern Ireland), the former Soviet Union, and France. Although a footnote in history, Doenitz was among the two dozen Nazi leaders charged in the first Nuremberg Trials . The International Military Tribunal sentenced him 20 years of imprisonment for his role in the Nazi German Navy’s participation in the war.
Milosevic resisted attempts to put him into trial But on April 1, 2001, he was arrested despite a reported 36-hour armed standoff between police and his bodyguards at his Belgrade villa. The U.S. was reported to have pressured his successor President Vojislav Kostunica to extradite him to the ICTY to face trial, warning Belgrade it would lose financial aid from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. KoÅ¡tunica opposed Milosevic’s extradition, saying such a move would violate the Yugoslav constitution. But Kostunica’s second in command, Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic ordered Milosevic’s extradition to the ICTY. On 28 June, 2001, a helicopter took MiloÅ¡evic from Belgrade to a US airbase in Tuzla in Bosnia and Herzegovina and from there he was then flown to The Hague.
FINANCIAL AID. His extradition to ICTY triggered political turmoil in the old Yugoslav federation. KoÅ¡tunica denounced as “illegal and unconstitutional” his extradition, while the Djindjic coalition left the government in protest. Despite the political turbulence, it was reported that a group of donor-nations, mostly Europeans, had pledged $1 billion in financial aid to Yugoslavia and a possible membership for Serbia in the European Union. This was a big come-on for Serbian leaders to surrender Milosevic, whom they felt did not have any relevance and use in Serbian politics.
The trial, which started on February 12, 2001, was a global spectacle. It was widely covered by many news outfits from many countries. In a show of combined bravado and bravura with an air of a braggadocio, Milosevic did not appoint a defense counsel, choosing to defend himself. The trial did not end as expected. It did not reach any decision because Milosevic died of a heart attack while in custody in 2004, ending the trial abruptly. It was a trial that was rich in lessons and they proved to be important to establish a more permanent world court.
The post KAMPI SA DEMOKRASYA appeared first on Police Files! Tonite.
Source: Police Files Tonite
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