MGA obserbasyon sa pagpaslang kay Percy Lapid: Una, mausok ang operasyon dahil maraming tao ang sangkot – mga opisyal ng Bureau of Corrections (Bucor) at mga bilanggo sa National Bilibid Prison sa Muntinlupa City; ikalawa, idinidiin si Gerald Bantag, suspendidong Bucor chief, bilang utak ng pagpaslang; ikatlo, wala ang elemento ng lihim dahil natunton ang paper trail sa bayaran; ikaapat, hindi naisip na may CCTV camera sa bawat branch ng mga bangko at tiyak na nakunan ang mga sangkot sa transaksyon; ikalima, hindi dapat nagtiwala sa mga kriminal sa pagpatay kay Percy; at ikaanim; hindi makakalusot ang palusot sa krimen dahil matamang minamatyagan ito ng publiko sa social media.
Mayroon hukuman ng opinyon publiko. Kahit ano ang palusot ng mga sangkot sa krimen, hindi tutugot ang publiko na ihayag ang saloobin. Nakikita ito sa social media. Naiintindihan ni Roy Mabasa, ang mamamahayag na nakababatang kapatid ni Percy. Wala siyang ibang pagpilian kundi idulog ang usapin ng pagpaslang ng kanyang kapatid sa publiko. Tumugon ang publiko. Maalab ang opinyon ng publiko na si Bantag ang nag-utos na paslangin si Percy. Hindi naiintindihan ni Bantag ang hukuman ng opinyon publiko. Dahil may reputasyon na kriminal, kanyang inakala na magagawa niya ang bawat nais na hindi siya hahabulin ng batas.
Hindi kami umaasa na aabot sa mas mataas pa kay Bantag ang utak ng pagpaslang kay Percy. Hindi aaminin ni Bantag na inutusan siya ni Rodrigo Duterte o Bong Go na utasin si Percy. Ipagdiinan niya na isang operasyon na tanging mga bilanggo ang sangkot. Hindi paabutin ni Bantag sa lebel ni Duterte or Bong Go ang operasyon. Isa lang ang problema niya: Sino ang maniniwala sa kanya. Wala siyang kredibilidad upang paniwalaan sa hukuman ng opinyon publiko. Maalaala na inirekomenda siya ni Bong Go na hirangin bilang kapalit ng kontrobersyal na Nicanor Faeldon bilang hepe ng Bucor dahil may reputasyon si Bantag bilang isang “killer,” o mamamatay tao. Iyan lang ang puhunan niya upang maging hepe ng Bucor.
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Halaw ang mga sumusunod sa isang aklat na aking tinatapos tungkol sa diktadura ni Marcos.
MUSLIM SECESSIONIST WAR
Communist insurgency was not the only national security issue when Marcos declared martial law in 1972. Beneath reports of Muslim-Christian encounters in Mindanao, particularly in the predominantly Muslim areas, the call of certain Muslim leaders for the secession of one-third of the Philippines simmered until it exploded. On October 21, 1972, violence erupted in Marawi City, as between 500 to 1,000 Muslim rebels attacked simultaneously the Mindanao State University campus, the Philippine Constabulary provincial headquarters at Camp Amai Pakpak, and the Pantar bridge on the boundary of Lanao del Sur and Lanao del Norte provinces. The attack marked the first time the Muslim rebels unfurled the banner of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in their advocacy of secession of the islands of Mindanao, Palawan, Basilan, and Sulu archipelago from the Philippines. They overran the radio station there, urging the Maranao people to support their cause, although it did not gain traction.
The call for secession meant outright independence for a third of the Philippines to form the envisioned Bangsa Moro Republic. This incident led to the emergence of the MNLF leader – an unknown professor at UP Asian Center and former member of the Kabataang Makabayan – Nurullaji Dingdanghali Misuari. State troopers quelled the rebellion in Marawi City but not without the escape of Japanese Ambassador to the Philippines Toshio Urabe, who was at MSU campus to attend an official function. The rebels did not know the envoy was in the MSU, but university authorities and military leaders had Urabe donned a disguise to look like a native in his Houdini-like escape from MSU. They whisked him off to return unhurt to Manila.
The secessionist war ignited in other parts of Muslim Mindanao. Violence flared up in western Mindanao and Sulu archipelago. In November 1972, Muslim rebels landed firearms in Jolo and the Tawi-Tawi group in the south. By late December, rebels launched full scale attacks in those islands. By January 1973, the rebels were in control of 80% of Basilan. The AFP contained the situation in the islands, but another front opened in Cotabato. The government forces there were struck by concerted guerilla attacks. By April 1973, it was the turn of Davao to be hit by violence. In February 1974, rebel forces hit Jolo and held it for two days before state troopers regained control after bitter fights. A large part of Jolo was destroyed by fire, bringing untold misery to the civilian Muslim population. Soon, the martial law government of Ferdinand Marcos got alarmed by the intermittent violent incidents, which was said to have started due to land disputes among Christian settlers from Luzon and the Visayas and Muslim population, who were originally based there. Moreover, the 1968 Jabidah massacre contributed to the armed confrontation, which led to a different agenda: Muslim secession.
The Muslim secession movement started in 1968 when Hajji Datu Udtog Matalam, a former governor of Cotabato, formed the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM) and launched it on the first day of May 1968. Matalam and his followers were incensed by the Jabidah massacre, a tragedy where Muslim Army recruits were killed by their superiors on March 18, 1968 in their training camp in Corregidor, a rocky island in the Manila Bay. In his privilege speech, Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. alleged the Muslim recruits mutinied when they learned the purpose of their training at Corregidor was to create trouble in the Malaysian province of Sabah. At that time, the Philippines was making a claim of sovereignty over the North Bornean state. The Jabidah massacre was said to have awakened the simmering spirit of secession among the Muslim people, the significant minority in Philippine population.
Matalam’s MIM took off the ground because many Muslims saw Mindanao’s secession as a way to get even for what they considered decades, or even centuries of ill-treatment by the Christians, including the Spanish colonial rulers and modern-day politicians. Nur Misuari, one of the young MIM leaders seized the moment by forming the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) as the new vehicle for secession. The MNLF took off the ground, as many Muslims, mostly Maranaos, Tausogs, and Maguindanaons, joined and armed themselves. The MNLF owed its successes to training of its guerillas in Sabah. Soon, Muslim guerillas under Bangsa Moro Army, MNLF’s military arm, were scattered over Mindanao, giving headaches to the martial law government. The separatist movement challenged the AFP.
The secessionist war in Mindanao gained international dimension when it was said to have been receiving funding and access to training facilities from Malaysia through Sabah and firearms from Libya. Because of the Islamic character of the Mindanao separatist movement, the Marcos government sought the intermediation of the powerful Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) to enable the two sides to go to the negotiating table for a political settlement. Marcos has the reasons to seek an end to the conflict; he feared the Islamic member-states of OIC to call for a boycott of exporting oil, an important commodity for economic development. The Mindanao conflict constituted a big drain to the national economy. Besides, the Mindanao war somewhat confirmed his nasty reputation as a human rights violator and power-hungry dictator before the international community. (Itutuloy)
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MGA PILING SALITA: “Binasa ko ang balita ng rappler.com tungkol sa mga Marcos vlogger na na-disband at nag-aaway-away. Binasa ko para alam ko ang nangyari at hindi ako naiwan. Pero hindi ko repost. Not on my wall. Hindi ko sila bibigyan ng dignidad. Hindi ko sila pasisikatin sa wall ko. That’s how I treat them. Natatawa nga ako dahil sila ang pinasuka ng pera ng kung sino sa kanilang hanay. Sila ang nabalasubas. At ang balasubas sa kanila ay kasama rin nila. I adhere to NOT ON MY WALL policy.” – PL, netizen
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Source: Police Files Tonite
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